Interesante

¿Hay ejemplos históricos de emancipación de esclavos que conduzcan a una hambruna masiva?

¿Hay ejemplos históricos de emancipación de esclavos que conduzcan a una hambruna masiva?



We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Estaba leyendo este artículo sobre "1 millón de nuevos afrikanos / negros murieron de hambre y enfermedades cuando la esclavitud terminó y el período de reconstrucción (la mayor crisis biológica del siglo XIX)" y me preguntaba si esto es exclusivo del caso de la guerra civil en EE. UU. ¿O si alguna vez sucedió en otro país? Quiero decir, ¿dónde la liberación de esclavos con una sola decisión llevó a la tragedia?


Debo señalar que en el censo de 1850 el número de negros figuraba como 3.233.057 y en el censo de 1860 era 3.853.478, un aumento de 620.241 o 19,18%, mientras que el número de mulatos era 405.751 en 1850 y 588.352 en 1860, un aumento de 182.601 o 45,00%.

Población de los Estados Unidos en 1860; Compilado a partir de las Declaraciones Originales del Octavo Censo, bajo la dirección del secretario del Interior, por Joseph C. G. Kennedy 1864. Introducción, página x.

https://archive.org/details/populationofusin00kennrich/page/n31

Y la población de color de los Estados Unidos, negros y mulatos combinados, figura como 757.208 en 1790, 1.002.067 en 1800 (aumento de 244.859 o 32,33%), 1.377.808 en 1810 (aumento de 375.741 o 37,49%), 1.771.656 en 1820 (aumento 393.848 o 28,58%), 2.338.642 en 1830 (aumento de 566.986 o 32,00%), 2.873.648 en 1840 (aumento de 535.006 o 22,87%), 3.638.808 en 1850 (aumento de 765.160 o 26,62%), 4.441.830 en 1860 (aumento de 803.022 o 22,06%), y 4.880.009 en 1870 (aumento de 438.179 o 9,86%).

Compendio del noveno censo páginas 12 y 13.

https://www2.census.gov/library/publications/decennial/1870/compendium/1870e-02.pdf?#2

Y esas cifras pueden ayudar a indicar el posible tamaño y alcance de cualquier posible exceso de mortalidad entre los estadounidenses negros durante la década de 1860 a 1870.


Abolición y Guerra Civil

En la década de 1860, Estados Unidos atravesaba un período de transición social y económica. Con el inicio de la Guerra Civil en 1861, tanto los norteños como los sureños tuvieron que lidiar con las ideas contradictorias de la esclavitud y la libertad. Esta era determinó qué tipo de país se esforzaría por ser Estados Unidos: uno de opresión o uno de libertad para todas las personas. Las tensiones comenzaron a estallar con la elección de Abraham Lincoln en 1860, que culminó con la separación de Carolina del Sur y otros estados de la Unión para formar los Estados Confederados de América. El consenso nacional en los estados de la Unión del Norte estaba a favor de la abolición, mientras que los estados Confederados del Sur buscaban mantener la esclavitud como institución.

Dentro de estas dos amplias áreas geográficas, muchas personas tenían sus propias opiniones al respecto. Los afroamericanos en el sur obviamente se opusieron a ser esclavizados, y muchos en el norte se resistieron a reconocer los males de la esclavitud, en parte porque impulsaba gran parte de la economía estadounidense. En este momento histórico, cuando el destino de Estados Unidos estaba en juego, tanto la gente común como los autores famosos tomaron la pluma sobre el papel para escribir sobre sus puntos de vista sobre la esclavitud, la abolición y la Guerra Civil en general. El tema impregnaba todas las facetas de la vida: los diarios, la poesía, los relatos históricos y los bestsellers tenían dificultades para ignorar las actitudes y los acontecimientos del país en este momento.

Brooke Christians y Brendon Haithcock

Frederick Douglass. Narrativa de la vida de Frederick Douglass, un esclavo estadounidense . Boston: Publicado en la oficina contra la esclavitud, 1845.

El retrato de Frederick Douglass está en la portada de su autobiografía. El retrato es un boceto en blanco y negro del rostro y la parte superior del cuerpo de Douglass. Se le representa con ropa aristocrática, mostrando la yuxtaposición entre su alto estatus social y su raza. Su rostro se dibuja con más detalle, mientras que su pecho se dibuja a la ligera.

Frederick Douglass era un esclavo en Maryland, que finalmente escapó de la esclavitud y se mudó a Nueva York en 1838. Después de mudarse a Massachusetts Boston, Douglass se convirtió en miembro activo del movimiento abolicionista. Después de haber aprendido a leer y escribir mientras estaba esclavizado, Douglass pudo contar su propia historia en su autobiografía, Narrativa de la vida de Frederick Douglass , publicado en 1845, Dentro de la biografía, Douglass describe las ordalías que experimentó como esclavo y su posterior viaje hacia la libertad. Como orador y autor, Douglass actuó como una voz fuerte y líder del movimiento abolicionista. El recuerdo de sus propias experiencias resultó ser una poderosa herramienta de razonamiento y lo ayudó a convertirse en un destacado reformador social. Muchos fueron influenciados por su autobiografía para simpatizar con el movimiento abolicionista. Su autobiografía actuó específicamente como un punto de encuentro para las personas de color, ya que comenzaron a exigir derechos. La autobiografía de Frederick fue publicada en Boston por la Oficina contra la Esclavitud, una organización multirracial que abogó firmemente por la abolición e hizo campaña por ella. Boston fue el centro del movimiento abolicionista, que comenzó con la colaboración de negros libres y negros fugitivos que escaparon de la esclavitud en el sur.

Sophia Rightmer y Jen Tzetzo

Harriet Beecher Stowe. Fotos e historias de la cabaña del tío Tom . Boston: John P. Jewett & amp Co., 1853. Colección de literatura infantil del SCRC.

Publicado por John P. Jewett and Company en 1853, el editor original de La cabaña del tío Tom, fotos e historias de la cabaña del tío Tom encontró una audiencia en parte debido a las crecientes tasas de alfabetización a mediados del siglo XIX. Nacida en 1811 en Litchfield, Connecticut, la escritora abolicionista Harriet Beecher Stowe fue una gran influencia de su época. La cabaña del tío Tom solidificó el respaldo moral de la abolición en el norte y pintó a los comerciantes de esclavos como villanos, aislando y enfureciendo aún más a los sureños. Se cuenta ampliamente que cuando el presidente Abraham Lincoln conoció a Harriet Beecher Stowe en 1862, comentó: "Así que tú eres la mujercita que escribió el libro que inició esta gran guerra".

Para crear una versión más "amigable para los niños" del texto de Beecher Stowe, ciertos elementos del libro original fueron omitidos o atenuados. En la novela original, la violencia de la esclavitud se describe brutalmente a través de actos sexuales, hambre y golpizas. La versión adaptada incluía palizas, como en las páginas que se muestran aquí, en las que un trabajador de una plantación airado se prepara para golpear a Tom con un látigo por negarse a castigar a otros y ayudar a los fugitivos. Esta página también muestra otras escenas de la historia, como Harry y su madre relajándose después de escapar y la venta final de Tom a su dueño final, Legree. En general, sin embargo, el texto y las ilustraciones de Fotos e historias de la cabaña del tío Tom es mucho menos gráfico que el original. Junto con las imágenes, partes específicas del texto para niños se pusieron en negrita y se ampliaron para que se leyeran en voz alta a los niños e incluso se incluye una canción sobre una de las protagonistas de la historia, Eva, al final del libro. Esta versión infantil destaca el fervor abolicionista del Norte adaptado para llegar a un público más joven.

Brendan Doyle, Will Overland y Kurt Schwartz

Ephraim George Squier, editor. Historia ilustrada de la guerra civil estadounidense de Frank Leslie. Nueva York: F. Leslie, 1862.

Historia pictórica de Frank Leslie de la guerra civil estadounidense fue publicado en 1862 por Frank Leslie en Nueva York. Esta ilustración representa la batalla de Bulls Run en julio de 1861. En el fondo hay varios grupos de hombres luchando, rodeados por grandes nubes de humo. En primer plano hay imágenes más detalladas de soldados muertos y caballos tendidos, y soldados heridos siendo llevados. Es una escena caótica. Este fue solo el segundo año de la guerra, y es justo cuando el conflicto comenzó a calentarse. La ilustración muestra el uso de una amplia gama de armas. Hay hombres con sables y pistolas corriendo unos contra otros. Las columnas de humo podrían ser obra de cañones que se utilizaron con frecuencia durante la Guerra Civil. Antes de esta batalla, la Unión confiaba mucho en sus posibilidades contra el Sur, lo que se demuestra a través de su agresiva carga contra los soldados confederados. Al final, sin embargo, el Sur logró una victoria que elevó la moral. La naturaleza desordenada de la foto con los soldados heridos esparcidos por el suelo y las múltiples peleas que ocurren a la vez retrata la lucha que se produciría durante la Guerra Civil. La Batalla de Bulls Run fue una de las muchas luchas sangrientas y costosas de la Guerra Civil estadounidense.

Thomas Gaffney y Sam Nahass

Sir Arthur James Lyon Freemantle. Tres meses en los estados del sur: abril, junio de 1863 . Móvil, AL: S.H. Goetzel, 1864.

Publicado en 1863, Tres meses en los estados del sur da el relato de la gira de Sir Arthur James Fremantle por el Sur en medio de la Guerra Civil estadounidense. Cuenta una apasionante historia de viajes en tiempos de guerra a un público previsto de norteamericanos y del sur de Estados Unidos que buscan una mayor comprensión de la vida en el frente. Fremantle también escribe para sus compañeros civiles ingleses en casa que anhelan información sobre el conflicto en el extranjero.

Aunque Fremantle comenzó su viaje favoreciendo ligeramente al norte, ya que la mayoría de los ingleses desaprobaban la esclavitud, desarrolló fuertes amistades con los comandantes del sur como el general Longstreet y el general Lee. Su escritura ofrece información sobre la mentalidad de Longstreet y Lee durante la guerra, y también revela el propio cambio de perspectiva de Fremantle sobre los supuestos males del Sur. Se exhibe una página que incluye la descripción de Freemantle de la Batalla de Gettysburg. Aquí, Fremantle describe algunas tácticas de guerra confederadas específicas, como un ataque conjunto en el que el General Hill atacó a los Yankees desde el frente mientras que el General Ewell atacó desde la derecha. Fremantle también describió la devastación causada por el conflicto, explicando que se habían tomado casi 6.000 prisioneros, mientras que el piso de la ciudad de Gettysburg estaba lleno de cuerpos yanquis.

India Holanda, Leo Krinsky y Lyla Wotring

OH. Bixby. Incidentes en Dixie: experiencia de diez meses de un soldado de la Unión en las prisiones militares de Richmond, N. Orleans y Salisbury . Baltimore: impreso por James Young, 1864.

OH. Bixby era un soldado sindical capturado por el sur a principios de la Guerra Civil. Su diario es históricamente significativo porque da un relato de primera mano de cómo era la vida en una prisión de guerra del sur y cómo afectaba mentalmente a los soldados. Por ejemplo, estaban tristes de mudarse de la prisión de Richmond a pesar de que no era el lugar ideal para vivir. Sin embargo, su desesperación estaba justificada porque moverse más al sur significaba que el tiempo que les tomaría ser rescatados sería significativamente más largo que si se hubieran quedado en Richmond, más cerca de las líneas del frente de la Unión. Bixby escribe: "Seguimos teniendo alguna esperanza de un lanzamiento rápido, pero ahora le dimos todas estas esperanzas al viento, mientras nos preparábamos para un largo asedio de dificultades".

El relato de Bixby está destinado principalmente a lectores del Norte que no experimentaron de primera mano lo que era una prisión de guerra del Sur. Le da a la persona común una parte de la experiencia por la que pasó. Desde irse a la cama con hambre, hasta recibir comentarios de odio de los sureños en las calles y comenzar a tratar una prisión de guerra como un hogar, el libro ayuda a la gente común a comprender cómo era la vida en una prisión de guerra del sur.

No hay ilustración en la página, pero lo que el lector debe extraer de estas dos páginas son los sentimientos que el escritor retrata. Uno realmente puede tener una idea de cómo se siente acerca de su viaje a través de la prisión militar y cómo ha cambiado su percepción de supervivencia.

Grace Clemens y Walker Cleveland

William Nutting. Tres lecciones para esta guerra, de una crónica antigua: un sermón, predicado ante las iglesias presbiterianas de Unadilla, Stockbridge y Plainfield el sábado 24 de julio de 1864 por el reverendo William J. Nutting. Ann Arbor, MI: C.G. Clark, Impresora de libros y trabajos, 1864.

Se muestra la portada del sermón impreso. Tres lecciones para esta guerra, así como un extracto de una página que contiene las explicaciones finales de Nutting de su segunda lección seguida de la introducción de su tercera: "La tercera y última lección que podemos aprender es que la derecha ciertamente triunfará al final".

El sermón del reverendo Nutting ofrece lecciones que aprender de la Guerra Civil, desde el punto de vista de un presbiteriano del norte. Desde su popularización como institución, la esclavitud africana había sido racionalizada por los esclavistas blancos utilizando el cristianismo, pero los abolicionistas también se basaron en los principios cristianos para argumentar contra la esclavitud. El texto de Nutting muestra la última perspectiva en su apoyo al lado de la Unión en la guerra. Su punto de vista es bastante específico como ministro, tiene un conocimiento profundo de la Biblia y de cómo se puede usar la palabra de Dios para argumentar contra la esclavitud y contra la Confederación. También tiene un hermano que vivió en el sur durante gran parte de su vida adulta, lo que probablemente aumentó su comprensión de la relación entre los norteños y los sureños.

Sin embargo, Nutting probablemente no tuvo que convencer a mucha gente de su causa en Michigan que la Proclamación de Emancipación se promulgó aproximadamente un año antes, y la marea de la guerra ya se había vuelto mayoritariamente a favor de la Unión. Aunque Nutting no necesariamente presenta nuevas ideas en su oposición, su punto de vista nos da una perspectiva religiosa sobre la Guerra Civil en curso, y describe a la Unión en el frente interno como confiado en su posición moral y su éxito en la batalla.

Brooke Christians y Brendon Haithcock

Moore, Nancy Ely. Diario. Escenas e incidentes relacionados con la guerra. Ocurriendo en, M o cerca de South Union, Ky . Vol. 4. [Manuscrito], 1861-1865.

Aquí se muestra el cuarto volumen de un conjunto de diarios escritos por Nancy Ely Moore durante la Guerra Civil, de 1861 a 1865. Las páginas son de un amarillo descolorido con una letra clara y cursiva, que proporciona un relato claro y de primera mano de una mujer que vive en Kentucky, un estado fronterizo entre la Unión y la Confederación.

Kentucky había decidido permanecer neutral al comienzo de la guerra, pero el diario de Moore destaca que, a pesar de la neutralidad, Kentucky a menudo fue testigo de escaramuzas que invadieron las vidas de los habitantes locales. El texto muestra especialmente el papel que jugaron los civiles en la guerra, ya que Moore explica en más de una ocasión cómo las tropas de la Unión y la Confederación entraron a caballo y se llevaron maíz y otras cosechas de los agricultores que vivían en su pueblo. Esto representa el surgimiento de la guerra total, donde se borró la línea entre combatiente y civil, ya que el ciudadano común se enfrentaba cada vez más al combate y al saqueo de sus propiedades por parte de los ejércitos confederados y de la Unión. A lo largo de su diario, Moore se refiere a las tropas confederadas como "rebeldes". Debido a su connotación negativa y al uso generalizado de la palabra en ese momento, esto indica que Moore era un simpatizante de la Unión y, por lo tanto, lo más probable es que no tuviera esclavos.

Madeleine Glasser y Emily Vanhaitsma

Edward A. Pollard. Observaciones en el norte: ocho meses en prisión y en libertad condicional . Richmond: E.W. Ayres, 1865.

Edward Alfred Pollard fue un abogado, periodista y escritor a favor de la esclavitud, que escribió un libro que relata sus experiencias como soldado confederado capturado por el Norte. En su libro, Pollard expresa sus temores sobre la reincorporación de la Confederación a la Unión. Publicado poco después de que terminó la guerra, Observaciones en el norte se acerca a los sureños para abordar sus sentimientos actuales hacia los norteños, la reincorporación a la Unión y la inminente ocupación del sur.

Los temores de Pollard de regresar a la Unión quedan claros en esta página, donde escribe: “Los pobres fueron ridiculizados a cada paso, se rieron de ellos, atacados con comentarios despectivos. Y en esta escena de burla en el depósito vi en miniatura cuáles serían las consecuencias reales del regreso de los confederados a la Unión, y lo que significó para nosotros el prometido abrazo de la reconciliación fraterna ”. Animados por los escritos de Pollard y otras obras similares, muchos sureños, habiendo perdido la guerra, comenzaron a resistir lo que vieron como ocupación de la Unión. Los escritos de Pollard ejemplificaron y avivaron las ansiedades sureñas por mantener su cultura, forma de vida e independencia a medida que la guerra llegaba a su fin y comenzaba la era de la Reconstrucción.

Laura Scerbak y Nick Tilson

William Gilmore Simms, editor. Poesía de guerra del sur. Nueva York: Richardson & amp Company, 1866.

Esta colección de poesía confederada se publicó un año después del final de la Guerra Civil. En el poema que se muestra aquí, Henry Timrod comienza con un llamado a muchas personas diferentes evocando las imágenes del paisaje del sur. Una metáfora del lirio luchando contra una tormenta sirve como símbolo de batalla y evoca un espíritu de lucha.

El poema de Timrod es un grito literal a las armas para los jóvenes de la Confederación con este poema. Comienza su trabajo haciendo un llamado a personas de todas las regiones de la Confederación para que entreguen sus vidas y se alisten. Les dice a los hombres que abandonen "parientes y cuna" para unirse a la causa, reconociendo el sacrificio de dejar el hogar para luchar en una guerra lejana. Además, Timrod apunta a la Unión, utilizando una cuidadosa propaganda para pintarlos como el enemigo al referirse a ellos como "el Déspota" que invade el Sur.

Este artículo se publicó por primera vez en un periódico de Carolina del Sur en 1862. Durante 1862, la Unión logró dos grandes victorias con dos semanas de diferencia: la captura de Fort Henry y Fort Donelson. Estas dos victorias aseguraron el control de los ríos Tennessee y Columbia, separando al sur de las principales vías fluviales. Timrod está respondiendo a estos dos grandes golpes al esfuerzo de guerra, pidiendo "riadas de lluvia carmesí". Este trabajo deliberado de propaganda está diseñado para encender los fuegos del público confederado.

Es interesante observar cómo se ha desarrollado la crítica de los poemas de Timrod a lo largo del tiempo. Timrod tuvo poco éxito en llegar al público de la Unión después de la guerra, planteando la pregunta de cómo deberían verse las contribuciones confederadas a la alfabetización en la sociedad actual. Considerado por algunos como el "poeta laureado" del Sur, ¿cómo entra en conflicto la elegancia de la obra de Timrod con la naturaleza anticuada y racista de sus puntos de vista?


1825 hasta 1860

Los 550.000 negros esclavizados que vivían en Virginia constituían un tercio de la población del estado en 1860. Los viajeros a Virginia estaban consternados por el sistema de esclavitud que vieron practicado allí. En 1842, el novelista inglés Charles Dickens escribió sobre la "tristeza y el abatimiento" y la "ruina y la decadencia" que atribuyó a "esta horrible institución".

La mayoría de los habitantes de algunos de los condados del este de Virginia estaban sometidos a servidumbre. En los condados occidentales, el terreno accidentado hizo que la esclavitud fuera poco práctica. En 1829, los ciudadanos blancos exigieron representación en un gobierno controlado por orientales con intereses diferentes. En 1861, formaron el nuevo estado de West Virginia en lugar de unirse a la Confederación.

La mayoría de los hombres, mujeres y niños esclavizados proporcionaban mano de obra agrícola a sus esclavizadores. Los artesanos capacitados trabajaban en oficios especializados como la tonelería, la herrería y la carpintería. Un grupo más pequeño de hombres y mujeres cocinaba, limpiaba, servía comidas y criaba a los hijos de la familia del esclavista. Los domingos, las personas esclavizadas cuidaban sus propios jardines y el ganado que les proporcionaban sus esclavizadores, practicaban la religión y se relacionaban con familiares y amigos.

A través de sus familias, religión, folclore y música, así como formas más directas de resistencia, los afroamericanos resistieron los efectos debilitantes de la esclavitud y crearon una cultura vital de apoyo a la dignidad humana. Al mismo tiempo, los negros esclavizados ejercieron una profunda influencia en todos los aspectos de la cultura estadounidense. El idioma, la música, la cocina y la arquitectura de los Estados Unidos están muy influenciados por las tradiciones africanas y forman parte de una cultura exclusivamente estadounidense.

Religión y folclore esclavos

Durante toda la esclavitud y más allá, la espiritualidad y la iglesia desempeñaron un papel vital en las comunidades negras. Las prácticas religiosas alimentaron el alma y fomentaron el orgullo y la identidad frente a los efectos deshumanizadores de la esclavitud y la segregación. Los ministros bautistas y metodistas predicaron la esperanza y la redención a las personas esclavizadas que convirtieron los evangelios cristianos en una música comunitaria de espirituales sobre la salvación, la liberación y la resistencia. También ayudaron a preservar las tradiciones africanas a través de la música, las costumbres funerarias y las formas de adoración de llamada y respuesta. Las reuniones religiosas, ya fueran reuniones secretas en el bosque o congregaciones de iglesias, se convirtieron en crisoles para el activismo colectivo.

Los afroamericanos esclavizados continuaron una rica tradición de parábolas, proverbios y leyendas africanas. A través del folclore, mantuvieron un sentido de identidad y enseñaron valiosas lecciones a sus hijos. Las figuras centrales eran astutos embaucadores, a menudo representados como tortugas, arañas o conejos, que derrotaban a enemigos más poderosos con ingenio y astucia, no con poder y autoridad.

Música y comida

Las tradiciones musicales de las comunidades esclavizadas fusionaron las prácticas europeas con intrincados patrones de ritmo, notas desafinadas, palmaditas en los pies y un fuerte impulso rítmico. La música se incorporó a las ceremonias religiosas como gritos y “canciones de dolor”, “gritos de campo” y las canciones de trabajo ayudaron a coordinar las tareas grupales y las canciones satíricas fueron una forma de resistencia que comentaba las injusticias del sistema esclavista.

Los afroamericanos adaptaron las tradiciones alimentarias indígenas, europeas y africanas, como la fritura, el gumbo y el fricasé, para alimentar a sus propias familias y a las de sus esclavizadores. El cerdo y el maíz eran las raciones principales que se distribuían a los esclavizados, pero se complementaban con plantas y animales cultivados o criados o recolectados en ríos y campos cercanos.

La trata de esclavos y la subasta de esclavos

Después de que una ley del Congreso de 1808 aboliera el comercio internacional de esclavos, floreció el comercio interno. Richmond se convirtió en el centro de comercio de esclavos más grande del sur superior, y el comercio de esclavos fue la industria más grande de Virginia. Explicó la venta —y la consiguiente destrucción de familias y redes sociales— de hasta dos millones de negros desde Richmond hasta el sur profundo, donde la industria del algodón proporcionó un mercado para la mano de obra esclavizada.

Los precios de las personas esclavizadas variaron ampliamente a lo largo del tiempo. Subieron a un máximo de alrededor de $ 1,250 durante el auge del algodón de fines de la década de 1830, cayeron a menos de la mitad de ese nivel en la década de 1840 y aumentaron a alrededor de $ 1,450 a fines de la década de 1850. Los varones eran valorados entre un 10 y un 20 por ciento más que las mujeres a la edad de diez años, los precios de los niños eran aproximadamente la mitad que los de un gran trabajador de campo masculino.

La gestión de una mano de obra esclavizada era un tema frecuente de debate entre los esclavistas. Con el tiempo, se desarrolló un elaborado sistema de controles que incluía el sistema legal, la religión, los incentivos, el castigo físico y la intimidación para mantener a las personas esclavizadas trabajando. Ninguno fue completamente exitoso.

Si bien los propietarios de esclavos afirmaban que su mano de obra era leal, también vivían con el temor constante de una revuelta. Los sureños blancos prohibieron a los afroamericanos esclavizados aprender a leer, restringieron su movimiento, les impidieron reunirse en grupos y castigaron públicamente a quienes intentaron escapar de la esclavitud. Los códigos de esclavos también castigaban a los virginianos blancos que ayudaban a los negros a violar los códigos.

Negados sus derechos inalienables de libertad y la búsqueda de la felicidad, los estadounidenses esclavizados quedaron atrapados en un estilo de vida cruel e inaceptable. Algunos virginianos esclavizados instigaron una rebelión armada organizada o un intento de fuga, aunque el éxito era poco probable y los castigos incluían la ejecución y la desfiguración. La mayoría se dedica a la resistencia diaria: romper equipos, robar alimentos, ralentizar el ritmo de trabajo. La resistencia más eficaz fue la formación de una cultura distinta que perpetuó las tradiciones afroamericanas de la música, la narración de historias y la cocina, y fue reforzada por fuertes creencias religiosas.

Los viajeros a Virginia quedaron consternados por el sistema de esclavitud que vieron que se practicaba allí. En 1842, el novelista inglés Charles Dickens escribió sobre la "tristeza y el abatimiento" y la "ruina y la decadencia" que atribuyó a "esta horrible institución". Inevitablemente, los intolerables abusos provocaron el suicidio de varios. Algunos iniciaron la rebelión, la última crisis imaginada por el dueño de esclavos.

La conspiración de Gabriel, 1800

Gabriel era un herrero esclavizado alfabetizado contratado para trabajar en Richmond por su esclavizador, Thomas Prosser, del condado de Henrico. Con cierta libertad de movimiento, acceso a otros hombres esclavizados e información sobre levantamientos en otros lugares, Gabriel planeó una rebelión contra la esclavitud en el centro de Virginia. Dos hombres esclavizados traicionaron el complot. En respuesta, los virginianos blancos arrestaron y procesaron a más de setenta hombres por insurrección y conspiración. Gabriel y veinticinco de sus seguidores fueron ahorcados.

La revuelta de Nat Turner, 1831

Nat Turner, un predicador esclavizado y autoproclamado profeta, encabezó la revuelta de esclavos más sangrienta en la historia de Estados Unidos en el condado de Southampton. En el transcurso de dos días a fines de agosto de 1831, él y sus conspiradores mataron a 58 hombres, mujeres y niños blancos antes de que las tropas gubernamentales sofocaran la insurrección. El estado juzgó y ejecutó a Turner y 19 conspiradores. Los vigilantes blancos tomaron represalias con violencia, lo que resultó en alrededor de 40 muertes adicionales.

El evento envió ondas de choque en todo el país y profundizó la división sobre la esclavitud. Los defensores de la institución culparon a la influencia “yanqui” y lo que creían era el carácter violento de los negros. Las facciones antiesclavistas argumentaron que esta revuelta demostró los efectos corruptores de la esclavitud y refutaron las afirmaciones de los esclavizadores del esclavo "contento".

La revuelta de Turner también llevó a la Asamblea General de Virginia a debatir el destino de la esclavitud en su período de sesiones de 1831 a 1832. Los legisladores consideraron propuestas de abolición, pero finalmente decidieron mantener la esclavitud. También aprobaron nuevas restricciones para los negros de Virginia, que incluyen exigir que las congregaciones negras sean supervisadas por un ministro blanco y declarar ilegal enseñar a leer a los negros. Esta fue la última vez que un gobierno de un estado esclavista consideró poner fin a la esclavitud hasta la Guerra Civil.

Incursión de John Brown, 1859

Dirigidos por el abolicionista radical John Brown, dieciocho blancos y cinco afroamericanos, se apoderaron del arsenal estadounidense en Harpers Ferry, Virginia (ahora Virginia Occidental) en octubre de 1859. Entre ellos se encontraba Dangerfield Newby, un antiguo esclavo del valle de Shenandoah. Para Newby, la causa era profundamente personal: su esposa e hijos todavía estaban en cautiverio. Después de un intento fallido de comprar su libertad y temiendo su venta al sur profundo, Newby se unió al pequeño ejército de Brown. Murió el primer día de lucha. El intento de Brown de tomar rifles almacenados allí, escapar a las montañas y comenzar una revuelta de esclavos fracasó. Cinco asaltantes escaparon, diez murieron y nueve, incluido Brown, fueron capturados y ejecutados. La tensión seccionalista aumentó a medida que los sureños temían violencia adicional.

El movimiento abolicionista y la manumisión en Virginia

En 1790 se organizó una sociedad para promover la abolición, y las publicaciones aparecieron ya en la disertación de St. George Tucker de 1796. Sin embargo, la autocrítica y los esfuerzos por la abolición terminaron después de la rebelión de Nat Turner de 1831. Desde ese momento en adelante, la mayoría de los blancos Los virginianos aprobaron la práctica, negaron sus males y la defendieron como un "bien positivo".

En 1782, la Asamblea General permitió a los esclavizadores liberar a las personas que esclavizaban. Algunos lo hicieron. Muchos de sus documentos de manumisión están escritos con la condena de "la injusticia y la criminalidad" de la esclavitud: "Estar plenamente persuadido de que la libertad es el derecho natural de toda la humanidad y que es mi deber hacer con los demás lo que desearía que me hicieran en la misma situación, por la presente me Emancipo y dejo en libertad a dicho Esclavo ______ ”.

El movimiento de colonización

El creciente número de personas negras libres en Virginia, más de 30.000 en 1810, desafió la suposición de que la piel negra equivale a esclavitud. Las personas libres de color también presentaron lo que los esclavizadores temían era un ejemplo peligroso. Estas tensiones provocaron la creación en 1816 de la Sociedad de Colonización Estadounidense, dedicada a expulsar a los estadounidenses negros libres a África. Varios virginianos blancos, incluidos James Monroe y John Randolph de Roanoke, se unieron a los norteños antiesclavistas en este esfuerzo.

El movimiento de colonización fue controvertido entre los afroamericanos. Como explicó el periódico Coloured American de la ciudad de Nueva York, “Este país es nuestro único hogar. Es nuestro deber y privilegio reclamar un lugar equitativo entre el pueblo estadounidense ". En 1830, Liberia tenía solo unos 1.400 colonos. En última instancia, 15.000 personas negras emigraron y, de alguna manera, modelaron su sociedad según el sur de Estados Unidos.


Contenido

Dada la naturaleza fragmentaria de la evidencia, incluso se cree que es imposible obtener cifras de población precolombina semi-precisas. Los académicos han variado ampliamente sobre el tamaño estimado de las poblaciones indígenas antes de la colonización y sobre los efectos del contacto europeo. [5] Las estimaciones se realizan mediante extrapolaciones de pequeños bits de datos. En 1976, el geógrafo William Denevan utilizó las estimaciones existentes para derivar un "recuento de consenso" de aproximadamente 54 millones de personas. No obstante, las estimaciones más recientes todavía varían ampliamente. [6] En 1992, Denevan sugirió que la población total era de aproximadamente 53,9 millones y las poblaciones por región eran, aproximadamente, 3,8 millones para Estados Unidos y Canadá, 17,2 millones para México, 5,6 millones para Centroamérica, 3 millones para el Caribe. , 15,7 millones para los Andes y 8,6 millones para las tierras bajas de América del Sur. [7]

Utilizando una estimación de aproximadamente 37 millones de personas en México, América Central y del Sur en 1492 (incluidos 6 millones en el Imperio Azteca, 5 a 10 millones en los Estados Mayas, 11 millones en lo que ahora es Brasil y 12 millones en el Imperio Inca ), las estimaciones más bajas dan un número de muertos por enfermedad del 80% a finales del siglo XVII (nueve millones de personas en 1650). [8] América Latina igualaría su población del siglo XV a principios del siglo XIX, contaba con 17 millones en 1800, 30 millones en 1850, 61 millones en 1900, 105 millones en 1930, 218 millones en 1960, 361 millones en 1980, y 563 millones en 2005. [8] En las últimas tres décadas del siglo XVI, la población del México actual se redujo a alrededor de un millón de personas. [8] La población maya se estima hoy en seis millones, que es aproximadamente la misma que a fines del siglo XV, según algunas estimaciones. [8] En lo que hoy es Brasil, la población indígena disminuyó de un máximo precolombino estimado de cuatro millones a unos 300.000.

Si bien es difícil determinar exactamente cuántos nativos vivían en América del Norte antes de Colón, [9] las estimaciones van desde 7 millones [10] de personas hasta un máximo de 18 millones. [11] Historian David Stannard estimates that the extermination of indigenous peoples took the lives of 100 million people: ". the total extermination of many American Indian peoples and the near-extermination of others, in numbers that eventually totaled close to 100,000,000.". [12]

The aboriginal population of Canada during the late 15th century is estimated to have been between 500,000 [13] and two million. [14] Repeated outbreaks of Old World infectious diseases such as influenza, measles and smallpox (to which they had no natural immunity) were the main cause of depopulation. This combined with other factors such as dispossession from European/Canadian settlements and numerous violent conflicts resulted in a forty- to eighty-percent aboriginal population decrease after contact. [13] For example, during the late 1630s, smallpox killed over half of the Wyandot (Huron), who controlled most of the early North American fur trade in what became Canada. They were reduced to fewer than 10,000 people. [15]

The population debate has often had ideological underpinnings. [16] Low estimates were sometimes reflective of European notions of cultural and racial superiority. Historian Francis Jennings argued, "Scholarly wisdom long held that Indians were so inferior in mind and works that they could not possibly have created or sustained large populations." [17]

In 1998, Africanist Historian David Henige said many population estimates are the result of arbitrary formulas selectively applied from unreliable sources. He believes this is a weakness in the field, and insists there is insufficient evidence to produce reliable population estimates. [18]

The indigenous population of the Americas in 1492 was not necessarily at a high point and may actually have been in decline in some areas. Indigenous populations in most areas of the Americas reached a low point by the early 20th century. [19]

Over 60 million Brazilians possess at least one Native South American ancestor, according to a mitochondrial DNA study. [20]

Genetic diversity and population structure in the American land mass using DNA micro-satellite markers (genotype) sampled from North, Central, and South America have been analyzed against similar data available from other indigenous populations worldwide. [21] [22] The Amerindian populations show a lower genetic diversity than populations from other continental regions. [22] Observed is both a decreasing genetic diversity as geographic distance from the Bering Strait occurs and a decreasing genetic similarity to Siberian populations from Alaska (genetic entry point). [21] [22] Also observed is evidence of a higher level of diversity and lower level of population structure in western South America compared to eastern South America. [21] [22] A relative lack of differentiation between Mesoamerican and Andean populations is a scenario that implies coastal routes were easier than inland routes for migrating peoples (Paleo-Indians) to traverse. [21] The overall pattern that is emerging suggests that the Americas were recently colonized by a small number of individuals (effective size of about 70–250), and then they grew by a factor of 10 over 800–1,000 years. [23] [24] The data also show that there have been genetic exchanges between Asia, the Arctic and Greenland since the initial peopling of the Americas. [24] [25] A new study in early 2018 suggests that the effective population size of the original founding population of Native Americans was about 250 people. [26] [27]

According to Noble David Cook, a community of scholars has recently, albeit slowly, "been quietly accumulating piece by piece data on early epidemics in the Americas and their relation to the subjugation of native peoples." They now believe that widespread epidemic disease, to which the natives had no prior exposure or resistance, was the primary cause of the massive population decline of the Native Americans. [28] Earlier explanations for the population decline of the American natives include the European immigrants' accounts of the brutal practices of the Spanish conquistadores, as recorded by the Spaniards themselves. This was applied through the encomienda, which was a system ostensibly set up to protect people from warring tribes as well as to teach them the Spanish language and the Catholic religion, but in practice was tantamount to serfdom and slavery. [29] The most notable account was that of the Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas, whose writings vividly depict Spanish atrocities committed in particular against the Taínos. It took five years for the Taíno rebellion to be quelled by both the Real Audiencia—through diplomatic sabotage, and through the Indian auxiliaries fighting with the Spanish. [30] After Emperor Charles V personally eradicated the notion of the encomienda system as a use for slave labour, there were not enough Spanish to have caused such a large population decline. [31] [ verificación fallida ] [32] The second European explanation was a perceived divine approval, in which God removed the natives as part of His "divine plan" to make way for a new Christian civilization. Many Native Americans viewed their troubles in terms of religious or supernatural causes within their own belief systems. [33]

Soon after Europeans and enslaved Africans arrived in the New World, bringing with them the infectious diseases of Europe and Africa, observers noted immense numbers of indigenous Americans began to die from these diseases. One reason this death toll was overlooked is that once introduced, the diseases raced ahead of European immigration in many areas. The disease killed a sizable portion of the populations before European written records were made. After the epidemics had already killed massive numbers of natives, many newer European immigrants assumed that there had always been relatively few indigenous peoples. The scope of the epidemics over the years was tremendous, killing millions of people—possibly in excess of 90% of the population in the hardest-hit areas—and creating one of "the greatest human catastrophe in history, far exceeding even the disaster of the Black Death of medieval Europe", [28] which had killed up to one-third of the people in Europe and Asia between 1347 and 1351.

One of the most devastating diseases was smallpox, but other deadly diseases included typhus, measles, influenza, bubonic plague, cholera, malaria, tuberculosis, mumps, yellow fever and pertussis, which were chronic in Eurasia. [34]

This transfer of disease between the Old and New Worlds was later studied as part of what has been labeled the "Columbian Exchange".

The epidemics had very different effects in different regions of the Americas. The most vulnerable groups were those with a relatively small population and few built-up immunities. Many island-based groups were annihilated. The Caribs and Arawaks of the Caribbean nearly ceased to exist, as did the Beothuks of Newfoundland. While disease raged swiftly through the densely populated empires of Mesoamerica, the more scattered populations of North America saw a slower spread. [ cita necesaria ]

The European colonization of the Americas resulted in the deaths of so many people it contributed to climatic change and temporary global cooling, according to scientists from University College London. [35] [36] A century after the arrival of Christopher Columbus, some 90% of indigenous Americans had perished from "wave after wave of disease", along with mass slavery and war, in what researchers have described as the "great dying". [37] According to one of the researchers, UCL Geography Professor Mark Maslin, the large death toll also boosted the economies of Europe: "the depopulation of the Americas may have inadvertently allowed the Europeans to dominate the world. It also allowed for the Industrial Revolution and for Europeans to continue that domination." [38]

Historian Andrés Reséndez of University of California, Davis asserts that evidence suggests "slavery has emerged as a major killer" of the indigenous populations of the Caribbean between 1492 and 1550 rather than diseases such as smallpox, influenza and malaria. [39] He posits that unlike the populations of Europe who rebounded following the Black Death, no such rebound occurred for the indigenous populations of the Americas. He concludes that, even though the Spanish were aware of deadly diseases such as smallpox, there is no mention of them in the New World until 1519, meaning perhaps they didn't spread as fast as initially believed, and that unlike Europeans, the indigenous populations were subjected to brutal forced labor in gold and silver mines on a massive scale. [40] Anthropologist Jason Hickel estimates that a third of Arawak workers died every six months from lethal forced labor in these mines. [41]

Similarly, historian Jeffrey Ostler at The University of Oregon has argued that population collapses in the Americas throughout colonization were not mainly due to lack of Native immunity to European disease. Instead, he claims that "When severe epidemics did hit, it was often less because Native bodies lacked immunity than because European colonialism disrupted Native communities and damaged their resources, making them more vulnerable to pathogens." In specific regards to Spanish colonization of northern Florida and southeastern Georgia, Native peoples there "were subject to forced labor and, because of poor living conditions and malnutrition, succumbed to wave after wave of unidentifiable diseases." Further, in relation to British colonization in the Northeast, Algonquian speaking tribes in Virginia and Maryland "suffered from a variety of diseases, including malaria, typhus, and possibly smallpox." These diseases were not solely a case of Native susceptibility, however, because "as colonists took their resources, Native communities were subject to malnutrition, starvation, and social stress, all making people more vulnerable to pathogens. Repeated epidemics created additional trauma and population loss, which in turn disrupted the provision of healthcare." Such conditions would continue, alongside rampant disease in Native communities, throughout colonization, the formation of the United States, and multiple forced removals, as Ostler explains that many scholars "have yet to come to grips with how U.S. expansion created conditions that made Native communities acutely vulnerable to pathogens and how severely disease impacted them. . Historians continue to ignore the catastrophic impact of disease and its relationship to U.S. policy and action even when it is right before their eyes." [4]

Historian David Stannard says that by "focusing almost entirely on disease . contemporary authors increasingly have created the impression that the eradication of those tens of millions of people was inadvertent—a sad, but both inevitable and "unintended consequence" of human migration and progress," and asserts that their destruction "was neither inadvertent nor inevitable," but the result of microbial pestilence and purposeful genocide working in tandem. [42]

Biological warfare Edit

When Old World diseases were first carried to the Americas at the end of the fifteenth century, they spread throughout the southern and northern hemispheres, leaving the indigenous populations in near ruins. [34] [43] No evidence has been discovered that the earliest Spanish colonists and missionaries deliberately attempted to infect the American natives, and some efforts were made to limit the devastating effects of disease before it killed off what remained of their forced slave labor under their encomienda system. [34] [43] The cattle introduced by the Spanish contaminated various water reserves which Native Americans dug in the fields to accumulate rainwater. In response, the Franciscans and Dominicans created public fountains and aqueducts to guarantee access to drinking water. [8] But when the Franciscans lost their privileges in 1572, many of these fountains were no longer guarded and so deliberate well poisoning may have happened. [8] Although no proof of such poisoning has been found, some historians believe the decrease of the population correlates with the end of religious orders' control of the water. [8]

In the centuries that followed, accusations and discussions of biological warfare were common. Well-documented accounts of incidents involving both threats and acts of deliberate infection are very rare, but may have occurred more frequently than scholars have previously acknowledged. [44] [45] Many of the instances likely went unreported, and it is possible that documents relating to such acts were deliberately destroyed, [45] or sanitized. [46] [47] By the middle of the 18th century, colonists had the knowledge and technology to attempt biological warfare with the smallpox virus. They well understood the concept of quarantine, and that contact with the sick could infect the healthy with smallpox, and those who survived the illness would not be infected again. Whether the threats were carried out, or how effective individual attempts were, is uncertain. [34] [45] [46]

One such threat was delivered by fur trader James McDougall, who is quoted as saying to a gathering of local chiefs, "You know the smallpox. Listen: I am the smallpox chief. In this bottle I have it confined. All I have to do is to pull the cork, send it forth among you, and you are dead men. But this is for my enemies and not my friends." [48] Likewise, another fur trader threatened Pawnee Indians that if they didn't agree to certain conditions, "he would let the smallpox out of a bottle and destroy them." The Reverend Isaac McCoy was quoted in his History of Baptist Indian Missions as saying that the white men had deliberately spread smallpox among the Indians of the southwest, including the Pawnee tribe, and the havoc it made was reported to General Clark and the Secretary of War. [48] [49] Artist and writer George Catlin observed that Native Americans were also suspicious of vaccination, "They see white men urging the operation so earnestly they decide that it must be some new mode or trick of the pale face by which they hope to gain some new advantage over them." [50] So great was the distrust of the settlers that the Mandan chief Four Bears denounced the white man, whom he had previously treated as brothers, for deliberately bringing the disease to his people. [51] [52] [53]

During the Seven Years' War, British militia took blankets from their smallpox hospital and gave them as gifts to two neutral Lenape Indian dignitaries during a peace settlement negotiation, according to the entry in the Captain's ledger, "To convey the Smallpox to the Indians". [46] [54] [55] In the following weeks, the high commander of the British forces in North America conspired with his Colonel to "Extirpate this Execreble Race" of Native Americans, writing, "Could it not be contrived to send the small pox among the disaffected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce them." His Colonel agreed to try. [45] [54] Most scholars have asserted that the 1837 Great Plains smallpox epidemic was "started among the tribes of the upper Missouri River by failure to quarantine steamboats on the river", [48] and Captain Pratt of the St. Peter "was guilty of contributing to the deaths of thousands of innocent people. The law calls his offense criminal negligence. Yet in light of all the deaths, the almost complete annihilation of the Mandans, and the terrible suffering the region endured, the label criminal negligence is benign, hardly befitting an action that had such horrendous consequences." [52] However, some sources attribute the 1836–40 epidemic to the deliberate communication of smallpox to Native Americans, with historian Ann F. Ramenofsky writing, "Variola Major can be transmitted through contaminated articles such as clothing or blankets. In the nineteenth century, the U. S. Army sent contaminated blankets to Native Americans, especially Plains groups, to control the Indian problem." [56] Well into the 20th century, deliberate infection attacks continued as Brazilian settlers and miners transported infections intentionally to the native groups whose lands they coveted." [43]

Vaccination Edit

After Edward Jenner's 1796 demonstration that the smallpox vaccination worked, the technique became better known and smallpox became less deadly in the United States and elsewhere. Many colonists and natives were vaccinated, although, in some cases, officials tried to vaccinate natives only to discover that the disease was too widespread to stop. At other times, trade demands led to broken quarantines. In other cases, natives refused vaccination because of suspicion of whites. The first international healthcare expedition in history was the Balmis expedition which had the aim of vaccinating indigenous peoples against smallpox all along the Spanish Empire in 1803. In 1831, government officials vaccinated the Yankton Sioux at Sioux Agency. The Santee Sioux refused vaccination and many died. [dieciséis]


The Mum Bett Case

The 1781 Berkshire county case of Brom and Bett v. Ashley, often referred to as the Mum Bett or Elizabeth Freeman case , was unique because it occurred less than one year after the adoption of the Massachusetts Constitution and because, in contrast to prior freedom suits, there was no claim that John Ashley, the slave owner, had violated a specific law. This case was a direct challenge to the very existence of slavery in Massachusetts.

During the 1770's, Mum Bett was a slave in the household of Colonel John Ashley of Sheffield, a prominent citizen who at that time also served as a judge of the Berkshire Court of Common Pleas.

In early January, 1773, Ashley became moderator of a committee of eleven local citizens, including attorney Theodore Sedgwick, that wrote a document known as the Sheffield Declaration.

This document, approved by the Committee on January 12, 1773, expressed anger at how Great Britain was treating her subjects in the colony of Massachusetts, and resolved "[t]hat mankind in a state of nature are equal, free, and independent of each other, and have a right to the undisturbed enjoyment of their lives, their liberty and property." The Sheffield Declaration requested its local representative to the General Court in Boston to consider the Declaration and to use "every constitutional means in his power that the grievances complained of may be redressed. . . ."

According to later stories often told about Mum Bett, her freedom suit was prompted by her overhearing dinner table conversations in the Ashley home about the new promises of liberty made in the Sheffield Declaration (1773), the Declaration of Independence (1776), and the Massachusetts Constitution (1780). Other reports suggest that her suit was prompted when Bett's mistress, Mrs. Hannah Ashley, attempted to strike Bett's sister with a hot shovel, but struck and burned Bett when she intervened. Bett fled. When Ashley sought to reclaim his "property," Bett reportedly sought help from prominent local attorney Theodore Sedgwick, who had often visited the Ashley home and was clerk of the committee that had drafted the Sheffield Declaration. As historian Zilmersmit notes "[i]t is also possible that a group of prominent residents of Berkshire County selected Elizabeth and a Negro man, Brom, who was associated with her in the suit, in order to determine whether or not slavery was constitutional in Massachusetts after the adoption of the new constitution."

Procedurally, the case began in May 1781 when the attorneys for Bett and Brom obtained a writ of replevin, an action for the recovery of property, from the Berkshire Court of Common Pleas. The write ordered Ashley to release Bett and Brom to the Sheriff because they were not Ashley's legitimate property. Ashley refused.

Writ of Replevin ordering Ashley to release Brett and Brom.

When the case was tried in August 1781 before the County Court of Common Pleas in Great Barrington, Sedgwick argued that the Massachusetts Constitution had outlawed slavery. The jury determined that Brom and Bett were not Ashley's property. The court set Bett and Brom free and awarded them 30 shillings damages.

(dated August 22, 1792 Suffolk files 159966)

Ashley appealed to the Supreme Judicial Court but abandoned his appeal several months later. The timing of his decision suggests that Ashley may have determined that an appeal was futile following the first ruling of the Supreme Judicial Court in the Quock Walker case (see below).

Though little is known of Brom's later years, the remainder of Mum Bett's life is well known. Mum Bett worked for many years as a beloved domestic servant in the household of Theodore Sedgwick.

Upon her death in 1829, Mum Bett was buried in the Sedgwick family plot in Stockbridge. Her gravestone includes the words: "She was born a slave and remained a slave for nearly thirty years. She could neither read nor write, yet in her own sphere she had no superior or equal." Her tombstone stands in the innermost circle of what is known as the "Sedgwick Pie."

Theodore Sedgwick had an illustrious legal career, and served an Associate Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court from 1802 - 1813.

Sedgwick "Pie" in Stockbridge, Massachusetts. The graves of Theodore Sedgwick and his wife, Pamela Sedgwick, are in the center.


History and Trauma Theme Analysis

Much of the novel focuses on the many ways that American slaves faced incredible emotional and physical pain throughout the history of the American slave states. Butler, led by a desire to remind Civil Rights activists not to blame slaves for accepting their abuse by offering a reminder of the extent of the trauma that slaves faced, bears visceral witness to the terrible things that slaves daily survived. Rather than using the enslaved characters as simple objects for displaying the horrors of slavery, Butler takes care to make each of her black characters nuanced and complicated human beings. By giving the awful facts of oppression and harm human faces, Butler acknowledges both the pain inflicted in the past and the pain of forgetting or minimizing what African American ancestors endured when this history is reduced to statistics and stereotypes.

By actually traveling back in time, Dana is forced to grapple with the insane violence of slavery instead of passively reading about it or pretending that it didn’t happen in order to go on with her life. Butler gives a voice to the aspects of slavery that others try to sanitize for a present day audience in the name of “moving on.” Recognizing that the trauma of slavery continues to affect the descendants of slaves in the present day, as seen in the racial discrimination that Dana faces at her job and the resistance to interracial relationships that Dana and Kevin encounter, Butler stresses the importance of understanding the past in order to come to terms with histories of trauma rather than ignoring past violence in a foolhardy attempt to erase those wrongs. In fact, Butler gives support to the old adage, “those who do not know history are doomed to repeat it” by marking the similarities between the centuries of American slavery practices and the crimes against the Jewish population in Europe during the Holocaust. The historical practices of slavery offered a model for oppression later followed by tyrants, which would continue as long as people remain ignorant to the real horror faced by oppressed groups in the past. Dana’s wounds in the past and the loss of her arm physically bring this trauma back to the present, making it clear how much trauma in the past influences the lives of those in the present.

Though the novel centers on one woman traveling back to the antebellum period, Butler makes it clear that Dana’s purpose is not to change the course of the Weylin family or their slaves. Dana is actually supposed to make sure that history happens how it did, so that Dana’s ancestor Hagar can be born. While Dana is there, she realizes that she cannot change history, but she can witness it and move past it. She does what she can to minimize the pain of those in her immediate surroundings, but the entire social history of the South cannot be changed by one person. Similarly, Kindred as a whole does not attempt to rewrite history or cast the burden of slavery in a new light, but instead testifies to the pain that slaves went through and honors the sacrifices and trauma they had to live through so that African Americans in the present could have a chance at a better life.


Enslavement of Native Americans

Even less was recorded, and therefore less is known, about Native American slaves in Wethersfield. Some mentioned in inventories and wills appear earlier in this account. It is also known that Rev. Elisha Williams owned a women slave who was Native American, as well as owning Black slaves, and Elisha Williams himself recorded the names and ages of a son and daughter of his Native American slave. Also, we do know that enslavement of Native Americans was ongoing during the colonial era in New England.

Margaret E. Newell, in her article for the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, The Changing Nature of Indian Slavery in New England, states “… New England armies, courts and magistrates enslaved more than 1200 Indian men, women, and children in the seventeenth century alone, and bound many others into finite terms of servitude.” At one point, the New England colonies stopped taking captive Native Americans as slaves and instead turned to other methods of binding them to unpaid labor, such as servitude for debt, crime, or by pauper indentures of even very young children. Ironically, one of the reasons colonial authorities ceased to enslave Native Americans was their desire to enlist them as soldiers in the wars against other Native Americans and the French. Concerning how this practice involved Wethersfield, Sherman Adams states: ‘In Captain Eliphalet Whittlesey’s Company, of General Lymam’s Command, in several campaigns of the French war (1756 to 1760) we find that sundry Indians were enrolled as soldiers. Captain Whittelsey was of Wethersfield, and most of his men (as is apparent on examining the muster rolls were from that township. The names of these Indians were: in 1756, Sockhegon, Stephen Queesod, Richard Toroway y Isaac Suneemon in 1758, Ambo, Tando (o Dando, Daniel Neepash y Stephen Taphow”.

Four of these Native Americans, Adams identifies as probably of Wethersfield: Ambo as the son of the “Indian slave woman,” belonging to Rector Elisha Williams, and Suneemon, corrupted to Cinnamon, Adams thinks was perhaps the ancestor of “Old Cinnamon” who at Adams’s time was still remembered in Wethersfield. The Tando family were residents of Wethersfield, as were those of the Taphows. Beaver Brook was originally known as Tando Brook and a one-time wild region in town was called Taphow. In 1777 and in 1794, the death records of First Church in Wethersfield give first the death of an infant daughter of Ammon Tanto, and then his own death at age 53.

The possible connection of Suneemon (actually recorded in the French and Indian War rolls as Issac Suncemon) to “Old Cinnamon”, described by Adams as “more black than copper colored,” is more interesting and complex than Adams states. In the vital records of Wethersfield are the following listed under Cinnamon: “Cinamon…Winthrop of Hartford m.[married] Elizabeth Green of Wethersfield [Newington Church record],” also, a death record: “Winthrop, laborer, s. [son of] Thomas, colored, b.[born] Stonington, res. Wethersfield, married d. [died] Feb. 14, 1864, ae. 60.” The following document from 1800-1801 appears among records for the Pequots: a list of signers for deeds selling some of the tribal lands and stating: “all [are] of Groton in the County of New London and state of Connecticut, all of us belonging to the Pequot or Mashantucket Tribe of Indians.” Among those signatures is that of a James Sunsemon. Is it not likely, allowing for the corruptions of the spelling, that Winthrop Cinnamon, aka “Old Cinnamon” is a member of this Pequot family?

Of the Tando/Tanto/Dando family, Adams comments that people in Wethersfield thought them to be of mixed “African and Indian blood.” “Negro” designates both “Dando” and Ambo in the French and Indian War rolls. All of the foregoing demonstrates the racial mixing of Black and Native American peoples taking place in New England. Because many native men were sent to the West Indies and even to Europe as slaves, and because of high mortality rates for other Native American males in the colonial wars, Native American women sought mates among Black males. Wethersfield records two such marriages, and these are notable because they involve free Native women indenting their labor to the master/mistress of their Black slave husbands.

In one such of January 10, 1756, Phebe Parsons “free Indian”, binds herself to Widow Dorothy Bulkley, Wethersfield. “Phebe wishing to marry Prince, Negro man belonging to Dorothy, binds herself as servant for the term of the natural life of Prince”. A similar case of which more is known is that of Rachel a free Native American. In 1730, she contracted herself to become “a servant of Daniel Warner and heirs until the death of Ben Negro manservant of Said Warner.” However, at Warner’s death neither Ben nor Rachel were listed among the chattel goods in the inventory or will of Warner. Ben did, moreover, appear in the tax records for Wethersfield starting in 1744 and also in the account books of Joseph Webb, Sr.

Judicial binding of Native Americans or Native American/Black people for crime or debt was common in New England. So was indenture of children of such, either as pauper indentures done by town officials, or as actions by a parent because he/she wished the child to learn a trade. Cases also exist of Native American mothers working as free servants indenturing their very young children to keep them close, or of their employers indenturing them, claiming as justification the expense of keeping them. No record of a pauper indenture for a Native American child was found in Wethersfield, but there is one for Hannah, the daughter of Sarah Keeney, a white woman and Sampson, a free Black man. Sampson died, and the selectmen of Wethersfield, because her mother was neglecting her, bound the small child to Sherman Boardman and his wife until she be eighteen years of age. A standard practice, known as pauper indenture, existed in the law code of 1650, and was employed by the selectmen of the town in all cases of abuse, neglect, or failing to properly educate a child, whatever the racial identity of the child. A separate section in later versions of the law code dealt specifically with Native American children. In these cases, the binding out was done by the white overseer of the tribe with judicial approval. Apparently, no input was sought from members of the tribe. That provision was still on the books in the law code of 1902.

According to historians who pored through records, the use of pauper indentures was a judicial and official method of binding Native American children to a form of perpetual slavery. Most of this documentation deals with Rhode Island and, in Connecticut, with New London. There is one case with a passing connection to Wethersfield. April 7, 1785 is the date of indenture for “Ebo, a mustee of Brookhaven New York, born 26 May, 1782, child of Charity (a mustee), bound to Benjamin Tallmadge of Litchfield for a period of twenty-one years.” The child was not quite three years of age.

Originally from Brookhaven, N.Y., Benjamin Tallmadge settled in Wethersfield as a teacher after graduating from Yale. When the Revolution started, he helped form the Second Dragoons, eventually becoming the head of Washington’s spy network. After the Revolution, he made his home in Litchfield. Mustee was a term used in New York, and certain areas of New Jersey, as well as in Rhode Island. The English equivalent of the Spanish mestizo, it denoted a person with both Native American heritage and that of another race, often Black.

Wethersfield did not use that term, but often the designation “colored” appears in the records. What cannot be determined, however, is if that term identifies exclusively a person of mixed African American/Native American heritage. What is known is that in the census which Connecticut submitted to the British Board of Trade in 1762, 2636 whites, 135 blacks, and no Indians were tabulated for Wethersfield. This was of the time that Adams placed in Wethersfield, Ambo, the son of Elisha Williams’ female Indian slave, who also had a daughter, Desire, born in 1717, plus members 0f the Tando and Taphow families of Wethersfield, who were a mixture of Native American and Black. It was also close to the date of the marriage of Phebe Parsons, Native American, to a Black slave. Obviously, then, the white authorities in town were counting such people as Blacks. This sort of confused counting continued over the centuries. In some cases, the same person was variously labeled as Indian, Negro, mulatto, or colored. In the 1980 U.S. Census, people who checked both Negro and Indian boxes were tabulated as Negro. What this labeling did was to first propagate and then perpetuate the legend of “The Vanishing Noble Savage.” More importantly, the labeling deprived people who considered themselves to be culturally Native American, of that identity. Thus, Native Americans were not only being dispossessed of most of their land, but also the status they had a right to as the original residents of this land.

In 1784, Connecticut began by law to free some slaves. After the American Revolution, greater numbers of free Blacks, mulattoes, and those designated as colored appear on the Wethersfield records. However, total emancipation by Connecticut was a slow, gradual process, with slavery not completely disappearing from the state until 1848.


3g. Witchcraft in Salem

Thomkins H. Matteson, 1855'>
George Jacobs Sr. and his granddaughter Margaret were both accused of witchcraft, but Margaret managed to escape harm by claiming that Grandpa was indeed a witch. He was convicted and hanged in August 1692.

Surely the Devil had come to Salem in 1692. Young girls screaming and barking like a dog? Strange dances in the woods? This was behavior hardly becoming of virtuous teenage maidens. The town doctor was called onto the scene. After a thorough examination, he concluded quite simply &mdash the girls were bewitched. Now the task was clear. Whomever was responsible for this outrage must be brought to justice.

The ordeal originated in the home of Salem's Reverend Samuel Parris . Parris had a slave from the Caribbean named Tituba . Several of the town's teenage girls began to gather in the kitchen with Tituba early in 1692. As winter turned to spring the townspeople were aghast at the behaviors exhibited by Tituba's young followers. They were believed to have danced a black magic dance in the nearby woods. Several of the girls would fall to the floor and scream hysterically. Soon this behavior began to spread across Salem. Ministers from nearby communities came to Salem to lend their sage advice. The talk turned to identifying the parties responsible for this mess.


"There's no place like Salem. There's no place like Salem. "

Puritans believed that to become bewitched a witch must draw an individual under a spell. The girls could not have possibly brought this condition onto themselves. Soon they were questioned and forced to name their tormentors. Three townspeople, including Tituba, were named as witches. The famous Salem witchcraft trials began as the girls began to name more and more community members.

Evidence admitted in such trials was of five types. First, the accused might be asked to pass a test, like reciting the Lord's Prayer. This seems simple enough. But the young girls who attended the trial were known to scream and writhe on the floor in the middle of the test. It is easy to understand why some could not pass.

Second, physical evidence was considered. Any birthmarks, warts, moles, or other blemishes were seen as possible portals through which Satan could enter a body.

Witness testimony was a third consideration. Anyone who could attribute their misfortune to the sorcery of an accused person might help get a conviction.

Fourth was spectral evidence. Puritans believed that Satan could not take the form of any unwilling person. Therefore, if anyone saw a ghost or spirit in the form of the accused, the person in question must be a witch.


The Trial of Rebecca Nurse

Last was the confession . Confession seems foolhardy to a defendant who is certain of his or her innocence. In many cases, it was the only way out. A confessor would tearfully throw himself or herself on the mercy of the town and court and promise repentance. None of the confessors were executed. Part of repentance might of course include helping to convict others.

As 1692 passed into 1693, the hysteria began to lose steam. The governor of the colony, upon hearing that his own wife was accused of witchcraft ordered an end to the trials. However, 20 people and 2 dogs were executed for the crime of witchcraft in Salem. One person was pressed to death under a pile of stones for refusing to testify.

No one knows the truth behind what happened in Salem. Once witchcraft is ruled out, other important factors come to light. Salem had suffered greatly in recent years from Indian attacks. As the town became more populated, land became harder and harder to acquire. A smallpox epidemic had broken out at the beginning of the decade. Massachusetts was experiencing some of the worst winters in memory. The motives of the young girls themselves can be questioned. In a society where women had no power, particularly young women, is it not understandable how a few adolescent girls, drunk with unforeseen attention, allowed their imaginations to run wild? Historians make educated guesses, but the real answers lie with the ages.


NOTAS

Elizabeth George Speare’s The Witch of Blackbird Pond continues to be a popular book for middle school readers. Speare hit all the tropes of Wethersfield history while not producing a book true to that history. Therefore, it should be enjoyed as a coming-of-age book and not read as history.

Both records on shipbuilding are cited in Sherman Adams and Henry Stiles, The History of Ancient Wethersfield, 2 vols., facsimile of the 1904 edition (Somersworth, N.H., 1974), Vol. I: The permission for “Tho: Demon” (sic) to receive a lot on the common by the landing place for a home and work yard appears in the Town Records, Sept. 22, 1647. Deming was a ship’s carpenter. Adams, who largely wrote vol. I, ibid, has an extensive chapter, XII, on the maritime history of Wethersfield, pp. 536-595.

For background on slavery and the culture of sugar in the Americas, see the following: Dr. Hakim Adi, “Africa and The Transatlantic Slave Trade (http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/abolition/africa_article_01.shtml) also, AAME, “The Transatlantic Slave Trade,” on the web at (http://www.inmotionaame.org/migrations/landing.cfm?migration=1). This paper tells of the growth of the slave trade due to the actions of the Portuguese in Africa. Also see M. Opal, “Why the Portuguese Restoration of 1640 Matters to The History of American Slavery” (htpps:www.processhistory.org/opal-barbados-slavery/) . A full history of Barbados appears in Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Period in American History, vol. The Settlements (New Haven, 1939).

For the Papal Bull “Dum Diversas” and the effects it had on Portuguese actions in Africa and on slave trading of the 15 th and 16 th centuries, see “Papal Bull Dum Diversas , 18 June 1452 (https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/responses/what-fifteenth-century-papal-bulls-can-teach-us-about-indigenous-identity) and William L. Langer, The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient Medieval and Modern, Chronologically Arranged (Boston, 1952), pp328-32 gives accounts of Arab trade to Ghana and down the east coast of Africa. Also pp.363-365 catalogs Portuguese successes in Africa. Brazil and India. For further explanation of Arab/Islamic presence in North Africa, the paper by L. Mendola and V. Salemo, “Sicilian Peoples: The Arabs, Moors, and Saracens in Sicilian History”, (www.bestofsicily.com/mag/art/68.html/) should be looked at.


The Secret Religion of the Slaves

By the eve of the Civil War, Christianity had pervaded the slave community. Not all slaves were Christian, nor were all those who accepted Christianity members of a church, but the doctrines, symbols, and vision of life preached by Christianity were familiar to most.

The religion of the slaves was both visible and invisible, formally organized and spontaneously adapted. Regular Sunday worship in the local church was paralleled by illicit, or at least informal, prayer meetings on weeknights in the slave cabins. Preachers licensed by the church and hired by the master were supplemented by slave preachers licensed only by the spirit. Texts from the Bible, which most slaves could not read, were explicated by verses from the spirituals. Slaves forbidden by masters to attend church or, in some cases, even to pray, risked floggings to attend secret gatherings to worship God.

His own experience of the &ldquoinvisible institution&rdquo was recalled by former slave Wash Wilson:

Master&rsquos Preachin&rsquo, Real Preachin&rsquo

Slaves frequently were moved to hold their own religious meetings out of disgust for the vitiated gospel preached by their masters&rsquo preachers. Lucretia Alexander explained what slaves did when they grew tired of the white folks&rsquo preacher: &ldquoThe preacher came and &hellip he&rsquod just say, &lsquoServe your masters. Don&rsquot steal your master&rsquos turkey. Don&rsquot .

To continue reading, subscribe now. Subscribers have full digital access.


Ver el vídeo: El Liberalismo sobrevive el Siglo XX para llegar al siglo XXI a brillar desde el siglo XVII (Agosto 2022).